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18 Mansfield Street, Portland Place, W.—Is unable to dine with him and meet Runciman. She enjoyed her stay at Vinters.

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Transcript

18 Mansfield Street, Portland Place, W.
July 7th 1909

Dear Mr Montagu

Its most nice of you to ask me to dine to meet Mr Runciman. Alas! Alack! I am afraid I cant as I am already dining out that evening. Its very sad and I wish very much I could chuck the other. Thank you so much.

I liked Vinters very much too. I must write a Collins to Olive for it.

Yours sincerely
Venetia Stanley

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Black-edged paper.

Assures him of his sympathy in the present very anxious circumstances [i.e. the riots in Delhi, Bombay, and the Punjab]. Asks how far he thinks the disturbances are due to the Rowlatt Bill or how far they have been the occasion for exploiting the ‘easily intelligible’ Mohammedan position. What is the extent of the area which gives cause for anxiety?

(Typed. Used for transmission.)

(Typed copy of A2/3/4, with a note recording that the telegram was sent in error to the Viceroy on the 16th, and was repeated to the Governor of Bombay [Lloyd] on the 19th, as soon as the mistake was brought to light. Marked 'A'.)

Chelmsford and Lloyd have been considering the problem of Horniman's deportation for some time, for Lloyd believes there can be no peace in his province till he is gone. On the 23rd Chelmsford sent Lloyd a telegram advising that he had consulted Lowndes and others, and the general impression was that it would be better to deport Horniman to England immediately, for if he were deported to Burma in the first instance, a second deportation might provoke a renewal of excitement; deportation from Burma might also involve risk of stoppage and complications at Colombo; return to India might be prevented if the proposals for a passport system mature, but they would have to ensure that the Home Authorities would refuse a return passport. Is sending Montagu a copy of Lowndes's opinion. On the 24th Lloyd replied that Horniman's early arrest and deportation were now doubly urgent, as he was now publishing inflammatory articles in the Chronicle and encouraging lawlessness. Both the Times of India and the public protest against the Government's allowing this to continue, but as it is considered necessary to act against the paper and the man at the same time they can do nothing until the arrest is made. The doctor is confident that Horniman's condition would allow his arrest and removal to a military hospital at once, and probably he would be well enough to be deported immediately. Lloyd was quite agreeable to his being sent to England, if Chelmsford would give immediate authority to do so, as there is no further time for correspondence, and delay will only make the operation more difficult. He (Lloyd) had delayed thus far to create an atmosphere favourable to deportation, but if delay now prevented him taking this action his position would be greatly weakened, for he expects anxious months ahead, not only with regard to Moslem questions but also famine disturbances. Moreover he had been warned by the General that Horniman was distributing the Chronicle free to troops, and its propaganda was having a bad effect on morale. In reply Chelmsford authorised immediate deportation. Horniman has been placed on S. S. Takada, due to sail to England today. Aden and Egypt have been advised. Asks Montagu to take steps to prevent complications further west and to prevent Horniman being granted a return passport. Warns against the possibility of his return via the Colonies. Hopes that Montagu will support his action, and points out that deportation had become a necessity. 'Any questions in England could be more easily answered if we took action at a time there is a serious movement of unrest in British India.'

(Typed.)

Refers to previous communications [wanting]. There is no advantage in cancelling the re-striction orders as they are not being treated as a grievance by Gandhi or the Press, but he proposes to withdraw them when the announcement about the inquiry and the Indemnity Bill is made. Responds to Montagu’s comments on their basis and justification as follows: (1) the orders are not based on an avowed breaking of the law, but on a reasonable belief that a person is likely to act in a manner prejudical to the safety of the country; (2) civil disobedience is not a thing of the past, for the Bombay Government advises that Gandhi’s suspension of the campaign is both reluctant and qualified, and his own statements corroborate this; (3) he does not accept Montagu’s view of the tranquillising effect of Gandhi’s intervention when conditions are disturbed, though his influence has sometimes been good. Points out that (a) when Gandhi arrived in Champaran about 12 April 1917 his presence so excited raiyats that incendiarism began on 1 May; (b) his presence in Haira initiated a no-revenue-payment cam-paign in March 1918; (c) he advised adherents in Udaipur that it was against his principles to give evidence against rioters; (d) his mere name was used as a battle-cry by the recent Punjab mobs; and (e) the question is less one of intentions than results, for he is unable to allay the passions which his name is used to excite, as events in Johannesburg in 1907 showed.

(Cuttings from a larger document.)

Asks to be advised of the present situation in the Punjab. ‘Are public meetings yet allowed. Is martial law still in existence anywhere. Are newspapers being published. Can it be said that all punishments have now been settled and life is now more normal.’

(Used for transmission.)

Gandhi has stated in Young India that his visit to the Viceroy and his advice to the Ali brothers to apologise was a political blunder.

(Typed.)

Refutes reports of disturbances in the Bengal Legislative Council, which is not now in session. The truth of the matter is that an attempt was made to disrupt a sheriff’s meeting to arrange a reception for the Prince of Wales.

(Typed.)

(Mechanical copy of typed original. A duplicate of A3/2/4/1. Text as A3/8/1.)

Has been advised that, in his instructions to the Commissioner of the Northern Division in connection with the situation in Surat, Lloyd has stated that, ‘if an announcement of civil disobedience is accompanied by incitements to violence or followed by acts of violence, immediate report should be made with a view to prosecution of principal offenders’. Asks why he has asked for a report before prosecuting.

(Typed. Used for transmission.)

Two hundred and fifty arrests were made today in Calcutta, nearly all Mohammedan mill-hands. Students generally kept aloof.

(Typed.)

India Office, Whitehall, S.W.1.—Encloses a copy of some of the material he is supplying to the Prime Minister for his speech tomorrow.

(Carbon copy.)

10 Downing Street, Whitehall, S.W.1.—Asks to see a copy of the telegram that Cabinet instructed Montagu to send to the Viceroy on the subject of law and order in India [A3/34/3].

Asks for suggestions as to what he should say at the forthcoming Commons debate on India. Refers to Reading’s official telegram about the debate in Assembly on the military budget, and asks whether he intends to decline to take a vote.

(Typed. Used for transmission.)

India Office.—In view of Gandhi’s decision to call off civil disobedience, he is not surprised that the Government of India has decided to postpone his arrest, but the result will probably increase the Secretary of State [Montagu]’s difficulties with the House of Commons. It can be argued that the respite will allow the non-co-operators to become better organised; but on the other hand many in India believe that the movement has only been sustained by the opportunity given to them by the Prince of Wales’s visit to organise hartals and provoke a reaction from Government, and that the discredit which has now accrued to them and the dissipation of their funds may cause them to lose ground. In either case, he does not think this a good moment to undertake what may be a serious struggle, if it can be postponed. ‘The Empire has too many unsolved difficulties which cumulatively may be too much for its strength. All its other principal difficulties aggravate and complicate the Indian one, and they ought to be got rid of in the proper order. … To my mind that order should be, Ireland, Egypt or Turkey, India.’

The debate in the Commons has revealed a hardening in British opinion on Indian affairs. ‘There is an uneasy feeling, possibly strengthened from Ireland, that our Empire is slipping away.’ Unless the Government are able to reassure the public, they will lose their policy. There are similar difficulties with regard to affairs in Kenya. Montagu’s reply to the notification of Gandhi’s non-arrest was drafted in consultation with Chamberlain and the Prime Minister, and they emphasised that Gandhi should not be allowed merely to postpone challenges whenever his arrest became imminent. He believes his speech in the Commons was a success, but he has lost the support of the Northcliffe newspapers.

(Typed, with handwritten alterations. Used for transmission.)

War Office, Whitehall, S.W.—The Secretary of State wants the two telegrams marked A and B [A3/46/6 and A3/46/10] circulated to the Cabinet and the King.

Chapeltown Barracks, Leeds.—Is unable to come on Friday or Saturday, as he is going to Alderley with Major Gillson and his wife.

Announces Montagu’s appointment as Under-Secretary of State for India.

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