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Add. MS c/94/1 · Item · 25 June 1890
Part of Additional Manuscripts c

Gratefully acknowledges Sidgwick having ordered the 'Health Statistics' for him, which arrived the previous day. Discusses the idea of encouraging 'honor girls' into early marriages, and to have large families. Contends that the offspring of such women would 'on the average be hereditarily gifted', and asserts his desire 'to swamp the produce of the ordinary proletariat by a better stock.' Expresses his wish that a 'dower-fund, as an equivalent to fellowships' be established. Proposes that a selection process be instituted, involving a board of women selecting successful candidates from among 'honor women not exceeding 23 years of age, who had achieved such and such college success'. Suggests that a sum of £50 be paid to such women on their marriage 'and £25 on the birth of each and every living child'. Maintains that 'the payment on the birth of each child would maintain the college tie and interest, and such other indirect and favorably effect might be anticipated.' Proposes that 'four such exhibitions ... annually and for perpetuity might be provided for, if their probable utility was vouched for by sensible men after due consideration.' Asks Sidgwick to give the matter some thought.

Galton, Sir Francis (1822-1911), knight, biostatistican, human geneticist, and eugenicist
Add. MS b/35/1 · Item · c 1947-c 1955
Part of Additional Manuscripts b

11 St. Barnabas Road, Cambridge. Dated Nov. 11 1913 - Has had many letters praising Frazer's letter, and expresses his own admiration. With a MS note at bottom: 'Referring to Kiev trials, and J.G.F.'s letter disclaiming a belief in Jewish ritual murders.'

Letter from George Airy
Add. MS a/200/1 · Item · 4 Sept. 1823
Part of Additional Manuscripts a

Swansea - GA will be 'extremely glad' to have Neale as a pupil. However, further to his correspondence with Myers, he does not know whether Mr Hare had or had not already engaged a tutor for Neale. Could WW answer some questions further to the fellowship examination - 'In the first place must I sit at all? In the next place supposing that I sit, by what time must I be at Cambridge?'"

Add. MS a/215/1 · Item · 26 July 1818
Part of Additional Manuscripts a

Caernarvon - The day after WW left Cambridge he reached Jones [Richard Jones]. He spent the next week sightseeing: Portsmouth, Stonehenge and several cathedrals. On his travels he picked up four of his pupils and they all proceeded on to Snowdon where they were joined by the rest of his group: 'The Celts do not please me any better on a nearer view, they seem a very primitive and single headed but a very stupid race'. If the 'new tales of my Landlord' are published could JCH get Deighton [Cambridge book publishers] to send them hither. He would also like Monk's pamphlet [James H. Monk, A Vindication of the University of Cambridge, from the Reflections of Sir J. E. Smith, 1818] and the new number of the Edinburgh Review if it is out. WW received a letter from Monk offering him the Lectureship [Mathematics] which he thinks he will accept.

Draft and proofs of Hamlet
Add. MS a/679/1 · File · 1871-1876
Part of Additional Manuscripts a

Draft of the preface and notes dated Dec. 1871; corrected proofs dated Feb.-Mar. 1872, incomplete, with some sections represented by multiple copies with the same corrections and one corrected proof. Accompanied by an uncut page proof of the 1876 edition.

Correspondence
Add. MS a/684/1 · File · 1918–1939
Part of Additional Manuscripts a

This file contains correspondence on a variety of bibliographical topics. A printed item, which was probably sent to McKerrow at some date, has been added at the end (1/57).

Add. MS a/293/1 · Item · 8 June 1933
Part of Additional Manuscripts a

A promise: "In consideration of your playing bowls this afternoon, I undertake that I will never again say anything disrespectful of the [Roman] Catholic Church."

Hardy, Godfrey Harold (1877-1947), mathematician
Add. MS a/355/1/1 · Item · early 20th c.
Part of Additional Manuscripts a

(A mixture of typed (or carbon-copy) and handwritten sheets. With an envelope marked by McKerrow, ‘Bibliography of reprints Material’ and ‘Bibliographical Evidence | Part III IV’. The latter inscription has been struck through. There is no indication of the purpose for which these notes were compiled; they do not appear to have been published.)

Add. MS a/355/3/1 · Item · 1 Jan. 1926
Part of Additional Manuscripts a

Clarendon Press, Oxford.—Comments on the text, and suggests alterations.

(A handwritten message, with seven sheets of typed notes, of which the first six are numbered 2-7 and the last is unnumbered.)

—————

Transcript

The Clarendon Press, Oxford
1:1:26

Part III I p. 4 dele ‘or even non-existent’? I see what you mean, but it is awkward.

p. 10 Johnson’s Letters printed (from his MSS) in 1788 and in 1791. The printer normalized nearly all J’s (not infrequent) odd spellings.

Jane Austen always wrote beleive, neice, and even veiw. Hardly any trace of such spellings survived in her novels, except that in the first edition of Mansfield Park (which is very badly printed) a few spellings occur such as teize, which is undoubtedly Janian.

RWC

RBMcK.

[Additional notes:]

[Part I, Chapter vii?] p. 24

If you bring in stereos perhaps you ought to mention the nobler art of electroplating, {1} though I cannot say off-hand when it was introduced. The footnote perhaps needs modification. I believe that the introduction of stereos into America is quite recent. Frank Doubleday told me in 1920 that he was trying to persuade his people that it was possible to print from stereo; but when I asked him in (I think) 1925 if he had succeeded in doing so he said the resistance had been too strong for him. I am not quite clear if the second half of the footnote refers to America only. We should not willingly accept it as true of ourselves. In the first place (and this affects your text as well) we very often print a book in the first instance from plates. No type used in the New Eng-lish Dictionary ever touched the paper; and we should as soon think of printing a bible from type as of infringing the Thirty-Nine Articles. No printer would dream of printing a book like the Pocket Oxford Dictionary from type, unless he set it by machine, for no one would have enough type to produce it at any decent pace. The same is of course true of such books as Liddell and Scott. And when we set up a book of which we expect to sell a great many copies, e.g. the Oxford Book of English Verse, we make electroplates before printing, in order to keep the type perfectly clean. Indeed (and here I let you into a state secret) we make two sets of plates, so that if the first gets worn out a second may be made from the unused set. N.B. This is not true of the Oxford Book of English Prose, and is very exceptional. You mustn’t print too much of this information.

Chapter viii, p. 2

I believe that in the United States signatures are regarded as obsolete. {2}

[Chapter viii,] p. 11

Printing with figures. It might be interesting to infer, by comparison of a number of books printed by the same printer in the course of a few years, how many presses he possessed. I do not think I have ever seen a ‘figure’ consisting of two digits, or, if I have, certainly nothing above 12.

Chapter viii, pp 7-8

I think, indeed I am sure, that the normal place for both watermarks was the centre of the half-sheet. {3} I do not remember an ‘excentric’ {4} watermark before the very end of the eighteenth century. In my experience of the eighteenth century, paper far oftener than not had two water-marks; and I suppose the intention of putting the mark or marks in the centre of the half-sheet was that it should be visible in the finest kind of book for which the paper was used, namely a folio. N.B. My Rawlinson MS of 1674 shews that the double watermark was well established by that date. {5} After about 1800 I think watermarks appear in all sorts of funny places.

Chapter x, p. 3

My copy of Brooke’s Gustavus Vasa (a subscriber’s copy on Royal paper) has two blank leaves at the beginning and two at the end, not forming part of the book as printed, but included in the stabbing.

[Chapter x,] p. 4-5

Unfortunately I cannot lay my hands on such evidence; but my impression is that publishers’ boards are a good deal earlier than you suggest. Eighteenth Century publishers’ advertisements give price sewn, price in boards, price bound. Sometimes, though not normally, two of these are given as alternatives. My impression is that ‘price in boards’ is as common earlyish in the century as ‘price sewn’. A Dodsley pamphlet of 1754, which I happen to turn up, has in half a dozen places ‘price bound’. Pamphlets were issued also in wrappers. {6}

Part II.
Chapter iv, p. 1

Except of course in collected editions. The first edition of Thomson’s Sophonisba is octavo, the second edition is a very handsome quarto, printed to complete ‘the second volume of Mr Thomson’s Poems’, which consists mainly of the unsold and unsaleable sheets of the first edition of Liberty, and was produced with a special title-page uniform with The Seasons.

I suggest the avoidance of the word 12mo., which is as ugly to the eye as to the ear. Why not twelves? ‘(But you can’t say a twelve!)’ {7}

[Chapter iv,] p. 8.

Today the cost of blanks is due, not so much to waste in machining, as to the fact that we have to pay the compositor for the blanks as if they were full. But I do not know how far back that goes.

Chapter Vi†, p. 2

See my edition of the Tour to the Hebrides, p. 324, from which you will see that Boswell ‘hastened to the printing-house’; and also p. 481, which refers you to the notes to pp 232, 291, 324. I have recently been examining the revises (so-called by Boswell himself) of the Life of Johnson. These were regularly marked ‘For Press’ or ‘Send another revise’, and corrected by the press reader and by the author in a manner differing hardly at all from the modern practice. I am afraid I do not know of any proofs, except those you mention, earlier than about 1780, nor do I know of any surviving MSS which have been through the printer’s hands earlier than about that date. {8}

[Chapter Vi,] p. 287 (of the original print)

Bywater used to tell me that he had no doubt of the existence of picked copies; and I remember his shewing me a book which he believed to be a picked copy intended for presentation to some great man; but the process of picking would probably have reference to technical excellence (freedom from flaws in the paper and the like) rather than to the selection of sheets containing the corrected readings. But I can quite imagine Boswell, for instance, instructing Messrs Dilly to pick for say Sir Joshua Reynolds a copy containing the latest state of the sheets. {9}

Chapter ix

I demur to your expression (p. 4) ‘The text which embodies the author’s latest corrections should as a general rule be decisive in questions of reading’; I prefer your original wording ‘should be the basis of a modern edition’. In all the eighteenth and nineteenth century texts which I have edited and in which this question comes up I have found that variants must be judged upon their merits; there are, for example, readings in the third edition of the Life of Johnson which might be defended if they stood alone, but which fall to the ground the moment they are compared with the readings of the first and second editions, because they are explicable as printer’s errors and wholly inexplicable as author’s corrections. Sometimes of course (though not relatively very often) one has difficulty in making up one’s mind whether the author made a correction or the printer a mistake. There are quite gross errors in almost every edition of Boswell which ought not to have been perpetuated.

This is so far as I have got, but I hope to finish Part III in a day or so.

I will return the whole thing as soon as I can.

N.B. I have overlooked one or two notes.

Part II, chapter ii, p. 11

My uncut copy of Peacock’s Misfortunes of Elphin has the rough margin of the sheet at the top of the page, and the insets (the book is a duodecimo imposed for cutting) are much shorter at the top than the rest of the book.

Chapter iii, p. 3

I do not understand the expression ‘Printer, i.e. presumably publisher’. Ought you not to make it clearer why you presume this? {8}

RWC

—————

The handwritten message has been transcribed first above, though it is pinned between the last two of the other sheets. The additional notes are typed, except for a few corrections and additions (see below). The numbering of these sheets appears to indicate that one sheet is missing from the beginning. Chapter references repeated from the previous entry are omitted in the MS, but they have been supplied above in square brackets.

{1} Cf. Introduction to Bibliography, pp. 71-2.

{2} McKerrow has added the note: ‘(A fair number still)’.

{3} Cf. Introduction to Bibliography, p. 102, note.

{4} ‘x’ altered from ‘c’.

{5} Chapman has struck through the following sentence here: ‘(This wants verification; but my Library paper, p. 75, says ‘watermark’ or ‘watermarks’).’ The reference is to Chapman’s ‘Notes on Eighteenth-Century Bookbuilding’ in The Library, 4th series, iv, 175 (sic).

{6} This sentence was added by hand.

{7} This sentence was added by hand in the margin.

{8} There are pencil lines, or ticks, through this paragraph.

{9} There is a pencil line, or tick, through this paragraph.

† Sic.

Letter from Albert Way
Add. MS a/223/1 · Item · 26 May 1845
Part of Additional Manuscripts a

Way's 4 page letter accompanied by a further sheet with his handwriting and 8 sheets with notes and drawings of coats of arms.

Add. MS c/58/1 · Item · 25 Oct. 1899
Part of Additional Manuscripts c

[Blind embossed stamp of Royal College of Science, Dublin] - Describes in detail his disappointment on his return from his expedition to the Torres Strait, that the Department of Physical Anthropology has taken a medical turn, mentioning [Alexander] Macalister, [Wynfrid] Duckworth, [J. N.] Langley, Michael Foster; his prospects 'were never so unpromising for the last twenty years as they are at this present moment'.

Add. MS c/60/1 · Item · 16 Dec. 1898
Part of Additional Manuscripts c

Victoria University, University College, Liverpool - Thanks him for the book ['Passages of the Bible']; wishes someone would publish a Poetry of the Bible with a preface indicating the date and authorship of the Bible; thinks 'Purple Patches' a good name for a book and a good idea.

Add. MS c/52/1 · Item · [1 Oct. 1819]
Part of Additional Manuscripts c

RJ looked at the appearance of a friend's first book with great pleasure [WW, 'An Elementary Treatise on Mechanics', 1819]: 'The Book they tell me is pronounced good but the introduction a puzzle - in truth I think while writing it you forgot for a moment the thick darkness by which you are surrounded - 9 tenths of the people old and young at Tonbridge I take it know exactly nothing about the question as to constant precessions of phenomena efficient courses[,]etc. and you have earnt nothing but abuse and curses by paying them the compliment of supposing they did - for myself I find fault with you for using the term necessary truth as applied to physical conclusions for thinking you escape, from what even you mean in spite of your former pretty promises to think the blot of an experimental foundation to your statics'. RJ believes WW does this by resorting to metaphysics. He thinks that one must always suppose some sort of experiment and induction before one can get through it to a physical conclusion - 'will you fight?'. RJ's Rectorship in Wales has been postponed. Rose [Hugh Rose] has been preaching at RJ's with 'great applause from the better sort as well as the mob'. Rose tells RJ 'that the old mathematics have died and faded away with scarcely an audible groan before the bright flood of analytic love which has been poured in upon them and you therefore I take it have been revelling uncontrolled in the luxury of long brackets filled with cabalistical characters - I give you joy but alas for the poor geometers! methinks I hear their mutterings loud and deep echo through the sympathising courts of St. Johns and Queens'.